16th Century Wills of John Spalding Sr. of Fornham All Saints & John Spalding Jr. of Tymworth, Suffolk, England
John Spalding of Fornham All Saints, Suffolk, England, 1521 Will, p. 1
1. In the name of God Ame(n) the xxj th Daye of the moneth of
2. aprilis the yer of o(u)r lord god m ccccc xxj th I John Spaldyng* of Fornh(a)m (the penultimate 'a' is superscripted) All
3. Seynt(es) w(i)t(h) in the diosice of Norwic(h) Theld(er) (i.e. the Elder) (w)hole of mynd & of good reme(m)brance
4. make & ordeyn(e) thys my p(re)sent testament And last will at Fornham aforseid
5. in man(ner) & fourme folowying Fyrst I bequethe my sowell to God
6. Almyghty to o(u)r ledy seynt mary and all the holy co(m)pany of heven
7. And my body to be beryed w(i)t(h) in holy sepulture of Fornham
8. aforeseid Also I Revoke and adnull all man(ner) of wyllys & testame(n)te(s)
9. by me made before the date her(ein) or other by word or wrytyng(e)
10. And th(a)t* no p(er)son no(r) persons take any advantage by them but (*first letter of 'that' old letter runic thorn 'y' i.e. th)
11. this to stand & Abyde as my last wyll
& testament. It(em) 1
12. bequethe to the hygh awt(er) of the chyrche of Fornham
13. aforseid in reco(m)pensying of my tythes & offrynges for goton
14. or to litell payd & for the helth of my sowell iijd s iiij d. (3 shilling 4 pence) It(em) 1
15. beque(a)th to the p(ar)ysh chyrche of Fornham aforseid vj s viij d
16. To be bestowed ther wher most nede is as it shalbe devysed to my
17. executo(r)s to the most plesure of god And p(ro)fyt to my sowle (soul)
18. It(em) I beque(a)th unto herry (Henry) spaldying my son xxs It(em) I beque(a)th unto
19. Beatres (Beatrice) Stockying my doughter vj s viij d It(em) I bequethe unto Fornham All Saints Church, Suffolk, England
20. Agneis prynce my dougt(er) vj s viij d It(em) I bequeth unto herry (Henry)
21. my son & to his eyrs (heirs) fo(r)ev(er) the oon (one) halfe of my Fre lond (freeland) (end of page 1)
22. (beginning of page 2) and pasture lyying in Fornham aforseid Rysby and Hengrave It(em) I bequethe
23. unto John my sone & to hys heyr(es) or assign(es) for ev(er) the
24. Fre lond (freeland) lying in the
Townes aforseid to be indeferently p(ar)tyd betwyn
Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk, England
25. the seid Herry (Henry) amd John his brother It(em) I bequeth unto John my son
26. my ten(emen)t(es) with thapp(ur)tenanc(es) (i.e. appurtenances) of Custumary which I dwell in to hold to
27. hym his heirs & assignes for ev(er) aft(er) the Custume of the man(ner) th(er)for to
28. paye my Dett(es) & p(er)fourme this my last will & testament
29. It(em) I bequeth unto John my son all the residue of my good(es)
30. and catt(es) above not bequethid nor assigned It(em) I will th(a)t at my
31. buryall for the he(a)lth of my sowell be dysposyd xiij s iiij d (13 shillings, 8 pence: 's' solidos, 'd' denarios) and
32. also at my Thirty Day oth(er) xiij s iiij d by the Dyscrec(i)on (descretion) off myn
33. executors whom I do make & ordeyn of this
34. my last wyll and Testament, Harry (Henry) 35. Spaldyng my sone and John Spaldynge
36. his brother. Thes Beiynge wytnesse Rob(er)t (Paldon?)
37. (and) Thomas Hankote (the 'a' in Thomas is superscripted)
38. Paldon - John Prynce - Beatrice Stokking and Alys Spaldyng (son-in-law, daugther, and wife?)
39. Probation fuit presens testa(mentu) m Cora(m) nobix officiali (proved was the present will before us, Official of lord Archdeacon)
40. Sudbur ap(u)d Flemton xxij Die mens(is) Maij anno d(omi)ni m (of Sudbury on 23rd day of mo of May year one thousand)
41. quin(gentesi)mo xxj comissa q(ue) est admi(ni)strac(i)o o(mn)iu(m) et singulor(um) bonor(um) - Translation: five hundred and twenty one and granted was the administration of all and singular (the) goods.
42. Dict(um) testa(mentu)m conc(er)nen(tum) executoribus in dict(o) testa(ment)o no(m)i(n)at(is) - Translation: concerning the said will to the said executors named in the said will
43. In forma Juris Jurat(is) In cui(us) testimon(iu)m sigillu(m) - Translation: In form of law sworn. In testimony of which the seal
44. officij n(ost)ri p(re)sentib(us) est appens(um) Dat' loco die mens(is) et - Translation: of our office is appended to these presents. Dated the place, day, month and ... (definition: 'presents' i.e. documents, letters, deeds)
45. Anno d(omi)ni sup(ra)dict(is) Translation: in the year of our Lord abovesaid.
For unknown reasons, John Spalding has another will in Suffolk records: IC500/2/17/328. The wording of the two wills is almost exact. For that reason, the second will won't be posted since it is almost a duplicate of the first will.
John Spalding of Tymworth, Suffolk, England, 1535 Will, p. 1
T(estamentum) Joh(ann)is Spalding de Tymworth def(unctis) = "The will of John Spalding of Tymworth, deceased"
1. In the name of god Amen in the yeare of o(u)r lorde god 1535
2. the xix (19th) daye of June. I John Spaldinge of Tymworth nigh (near)
3. St. Edmond(es) Burye in the dioc(ese) of Norw(i)ch husbandman being
4. in whole mynd & good memorye do ordeyne & make this my
5. testam(en)t & last will in mann(er) & forme followinge & all other wills
6. made by me before this to stand voyde & none effecte
7. Firbe (Firstly) I bequeathe my soule to God our Ladye St Marye & to all
8. the Saynt(es) in heaven and mu bodye to be buryed on hoolye Se=
9. pulture of the charche yare
in Tymworth. It(e)m I bequeath
10. and geve to brynge my bodye honestlye to the earthe at my day
11. of buryall in meate drinke & monye xx s. It(e)m I will that there
12. shall be done for my soule at my thirtye daye xiij s iiij d It(e)m I
13. will that Anne my wyfe shall slecte my house on the greene
14. & the monye thereof I will she shall yearelye by the space of
15. xij yeares give vj s viij d for the healthe of my soule and my frend(es)
16. soules that is to saye once in the year masse dyrige & meate
17. & drinke to the poore people. And when the xij yeares be ended
18. I will that Rob(er)t my sonne shall have the said house on the St. Andrews Church in Tymworth: Burial Place of John Spalding d. 1535
19. greene to geve or sell payinge to John my sonne xiij s iiij d & to Currency: xx s = 20 shillings and xiij s iiij d = 13 shillings. 4 pence
20. William my sonne xiij s iiij d And yf the sayde Robert my sonne dye Years: xij = 12 years
21. ere the sayde xij yeares be ended then I will that John my sonne Currency: vj s viij d = 6 shillings, 8 pence
22. shall have yt in lyke mann(er) payinge
to William my sonne xiij s
Suffolk Old Maps
http://www.old-maps.co.uk/
23. iiij d & yf John dye or the sayde yeares be ended I will Thomas
24. my sonne shall have the same house And yf Thomas my sonne
25. dye I will the sayde house shall be soulde by my executors &
26. done for my soule & my friends soules in deedes of charitie. It(e)m
27. I will that Anne my wife shall have my house sometyme called
28. Houlettes with all the appurtenances thereto belonginge & the
29. land called Bokenoms for the tyme of hir lyfe naturall & aft(er)
30. her life naturall. I will that Thomas my sonne shall have the seid Houlettes = pos. Owlets, i.e. young owls
31. house with all thappurtenances & the land called Bokenoms payinge to Bokenoms = pos. Bukenams, Buckenham, Buckingham
32. John my sonne xiij s iiij d & to Will(ia)m my sonne xiij s iiij d and yf the (currency xiij s iiij d = 13 shillings, 4 pence)
33. sayd Thomas my sonne dye or he come to lawfull age then I will Will(ia)m (end of page 1)
34. my sonne shall have the sayde house & yf Will(ia)m (beginning of page 2)
35. my sonne dye or he comme to lawfull age then I will that Rob(er)t
36. my sonne shall have the sayde house w(i)th the app(ur)ten(a)nc(es) and yf
37. Rob(er) my sonne dye or he come to lawfull age then I will that
38. John my sonne shall have the sayde house w(i)th all the app(ur)ten(a)nc(es)
39. and yf John my sonne dye or he come to lawfull age then I will
40. that the sayd house (with th appurtenances shall be soulde by myne
41. executores & geven in deedes of charitie for my woule & my friend(es)
42. soules. It(e)m I geve to Anne my wife ij acres of land sometyme
43. Wrights for the terme of her lyfe naturall And after he de
44. cease I geve will(ia)m my sonne the sayd if acres of land It(e)m
45. I geve to Ann my wife all my moveable that is to saye my
46. horses - my neate (cattle) - my ymplem(en)t(s) of househoulde & all over move-
47. ables what so ever they be payinge to eache of my daughters xij s (currency xij s iiij d = 12 shillings 4 pence)
48. iiij d Item I will that Elen my (*'wife' crossed through) *daughter shall have xx s payde at (currency xx s = 20 shillings)
49. the daye of (her) marriage Item I will that yf anye of my daughters shall have xx s payde at
50. the daye of mariadge Item I will that yf anye of my daughters
51. dye that are unmaryed before they be maryed the monye that
52. they shoulde have that dye to be p(ar)ted betwene them Item I
53. geve to the churche of Tymworth vj s viij d which Anne my wife (currency vj s viij d = 6 shillings, 8 pence)
54. hall paye Item I geve to the high alter in the churche of
55. Tymworth for my tythes negligently forgotten xij d (12 shillings) Item I
56. give to the fryers of Babwell xl d Item I geve to my sisters
57. Margaret & Ysabell eache of them xx d (20 pence) Item I geve to eache of
58. my godchildren iiij d (4 pence) And all the residue ot my goods not bequea-
59. thed I committ them to the descretion of myne executores to do for
60. the health of my soule & my friend(s) soules whome I do ordeyne
61. and make Ann my wife & John Talbott of Tymworth to him I
62. geve for his labour v s / These Witnesses - Sir Thomas (the) Parson (Sir=dominus, honorary title for clergyman of St. Andrews)
63. John Talbott - John Bowle - Will(ia)m Revell /
Probatum fuit p(rese)ns testam(en)tu(m) cora(m) nobis Thoma Bigge (prov'd was the present will before us Thomas Bigge)
in decret(i)s bacc' Rev(er)endi in chr(ist)o ** patris ac domini domini Rich(ard) i p(er)missio (Bachelor in Cannon Law, Office of the Right Reverend Father in God, Richard) (**first two letters are Greek 'chi' and 'rho' used as an abbreviation for 'Christ')
n divina Norwic' Ep(iscop)i ac et Officiali (domini Archinat' Sudburie (by divine permission Lord Bishop of Norwich & also of the Archdeaconry of Sudbury)
xviij die mens(is) Novembris in eccl(es)ia p(ar)och(iale) de Fornh(a)m s(anc(t)i m(ar)tini (on the 18th day of the month of November, in the parish church of Saint Martin)
An(n)o D(omi0ni 1535 / Com(m)issaq(ue) est administratio o(mn)ium et singulor(um) bonor(um) (in the year of our Lord, 1535. And committed was the administration of all and singular the goods,)
d(i)c(t)u(m) testam(en)tu(m) concernen(tum) executoribus in d(i)c(t)o testamento nominatis (In concerning the said will, to the executors named in the said will. In the form of law)
formaiuris iurato In cuius rei testimonitm sigillum Officij nostri presen ) (sworn by oeath. In witness of which, the seal of office)
tibus appensis dat' menis die loco et anno diomini supradict/ (has been appended to the presents, date, month, place and year abvsaid)
Thanks & Appreciation for Will Transcriptions to Eusebeia Sutherland, <chrisdim@ozemail.com.au> Melbourne, Australia, from Suffolk RootsWeb; for advice from Judith Werner <typehey@attbi.com> on OLD-ENGLISH-L@rootsweb.com .
Notes on John Spalding will d. 1535, Tymworth, Suffolk, England
John Spalding, husbandman. A name for a farmer who 'husbanded' the soil. Farmer had another meaning, but because the man who had land at farm-rent generally performed agricultural activities on it, the term faarmer gradually became used instead of husbandman. After1800, it meant a small farmer as opposed to a big one.
John Spalding requested his body be buried "in hoolye Sepulture in the churcje yarde in Tymworth. A sepulture means a burial place, but it suggested here a somewhat more elaborate tomb than just a burial plot in the ground in the church yard.
"At my day of buryall in meate frinke & monye I will there shall be done for my soule at my thirty days xiinj s iiiij d." Standard time of mourning was referred to as 'my month's mind.' There was also another major memorial at the 'yeare's mind' and if you could afford it, on successive 'yeare's minds.'
"Anne my wife, shall selecte my hojse on the greene and the monye I will she shall yearly by space of xij yrs give vj s viij d for the health of my soule that is to say once a year mass dyring & meate & drinke to the poore people." John requests money be paid to the church to pray for his soul at a mass. A dirge or sad mass every year while the money lasted was requested in his will. Money given to the church ensured a decent congregational turn-out to attend the 'mind,' while attendees hoped for food and drink after the 'mind.'
"House on the greene" meant a dwelling in town on the village or town green. An enclosed green space in the middle of a village or town streets was for the cattle so they could be driven into it for safety at night from wolves and thieves.
Notes on 16th Century English Wills by Eusebeia Sutherland
Wills in the 16th century were usually written by the local vicar in rural areas, often the only person who could write, or by scriveners in the cities, who were people who made their living writing papers for people. The will above contains the usual elements of 16th century wills.
(a) Name of the testator, his occupation or status (not in this will, but in others), place of residence, date written.
(b) Disposition of testator's soul and testator's body (being buried inside the church cost a lot more than in the churchyard)
(c) Payment of any forgotten tithes; just in case, since you couldn't go to heaven if you were delinquent in payment of church fees.
(d) Charitable contributions: to the church, to the poor, sometimes for public works such as mending roads, repairing bridges, etc.
(e) Specific bequests, followed by disposition of whatever was left over.
(d) Naming of executor/s and overseer/s
(e) Signing and perhaps sealing, and witnessing.
(f) Probate clause in Ecclesiastical Latin which told the date administration of the will was granted and to whom it was granted.
Wills changed over the years. Forgotten tithes gradually fell out of use. In later years, the order of wills may be different. Sometimes executors/overseers were named early in the will. The general pattern, however, was followed for many centuries.
Abbreviations: Extended abbreviated plurals can be either 'es' or 'is.' The sign used comes from the Latin scribes who used this abbreviation to represent is or es. Many of the abbreviations used in wills conform to standard forms used by scriveners. They came into English document writing from the Latin used by scribes. Per, pro, and par often abbreviated as well as er and the omission of the letters 'm' or 'n' designated by a superscripted horizontal line above the word.
Simon Knott of Suffolk Parish Churches on John Spalding's 1521 Will
From: "Simon" <simon@suffolkchurches.co.uk>
The first thing you have to remember is that 1521 is on the other side of the great divide of the English
Reformation - the days before the Church of England came along, and turned (most) English people into Protestants.
In 1521, Fornham All Saints was a Catholic church, and John Spalding lived and died a Catholic. Because of this,
the protocol for being buried inside a church must take the Reformation into account. By the end of the 16th
century, being buried inside a church was a great honour, but this was not the case in the 1520s. Things
are quite different in England, in all respects, either side of the 1540s and 1550s. Quite frankly, we don't really
know enough about burial protocols before the Reformation, or even in the early years of the Church of England.
For one thing, there are very few written records in the churches before the 1550s, and often will evidence is the
only evidence we have. We can tell what people wanted to happen, but we can't tell what actually DID happen. This
gets much worse in the 1530s and the 1540s, when the theology expressed in people's wills often conflicts with the
theology of what was actually happening in the churches.
We assume, and archaeological evidence confirms this, that the great mass of people were buried in a burial ground
around the church. The very earliest gravestones survive from the late 16th century (in Suffolk, the earliest are
from the 17th century, but even these are rare) so we must assume that external graves were not marked. This would
fit in with the pre-Reformation understanding of the communion of the living and the dead - individualism only
begins to creep in once the English people are protestant.
Inside churches, the place of burial would be marked by an often quite elaborate tombmarker. But it isn't quite
right to call it a memorial, since the Catholic understanding of death required something other than this. Rather
than expressions like 'in loving memory' or 'here lies the body of', which are post-Reformation sentiments, tombs
would bear inscriptions like 'pray for the soul of' - in Catholic theology, it was believed that the dead person
was praying for the souls of the living, and so the living should pray for the souls of the dead. If a person was
fairly wealthy, it was considered their duty to bequeath money to facilitate this. Being buried in church was a
responsibility as much as an honour, and money might go to provide candles for altars, or, if a person was really
rich, furnishings for the church - a bigger, brighter rood and roodscreen, or crosses and images. Often, money was
left to buy fields or animals - the income from these would go to pay for saying Masses for the dead, which was one
of the main businesses of the pre-Reformation church. Being buried inside a church with an elaborate tomb (perhaps
a brass, or even a tombchest with images) was the seal on the contract, a visible reinforcement of the
responsibility being carried out.
Many English churches, and many Suffolk churches, contain surviving pre-Reformation tombs and furnishings. But
these are a tiny fraction of what was there before. Because of the connection between 'pray for the soul of' tombs
and inscriptions, and the Catholic practices that they supported, most were destroyed in a fury of vandalism in the
1540s by the Anglican reformers. In Suffolk, much of this destruction took place in the late summer and early
autumn of 1547, when the accession to the throne of the boy king Edward VI gave licence to the enthusiastic
protestants of East Anglia. A tiny fraction of imagery survived. No roods or roodlofts survived at all.
Because of this, you are unlikely to find much surviving evidence at Fornham, of either your ancestor, or his good
works, unless he was one of those people who provided bequests for the aisles, which seem to have been built in
the early 16th century, right on the eve of the Reformation. They survive. (They were built to allow the passage
of Catholic processions, not to increase the capacity of the church). Since All Saints underwent a thorough
refurbishment in the 1860s, there probably isn't going to be much left inside that is from your ancestor's time.
There are a number of brasses in the church, but these date from the 17th century, and are for the Barwick,
Adams, Carewe and Mannock families.
It is unlikely that the parish has a full list of burials inside the church - this was in the days before parish
registers, remember. It is not impossible that a vestry book might survive, although I am not aware of this.
Simon www.simonknott.com
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